Showing posts with label Milliband. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Milliband. Show all posts

Wednesday, 1 February 2012

Why bashing bankers is shortsighted

Michael Fallon revealed the real motivation behind the decision to strip Fred Goodwin of his honour. On the Today Programme he said that there was a 'persistent demand from the public that he should lose his knighthood'. Is this the way the government is making policy these days: decisions by public acclamation? Who shouts loudest and displays the greatest amount of moral indignation wins? 
Fred Goodwin clearly has a case to answer. But his decisions should be subject to questions of competence, not moral standing. He can be accused of taking the wrong decisions, perhaps out of a lack of expertise. Yet his moral integrity has never been questioned, nor should it be. After all, let us not forget that, apart from very few far sighted observers, Goodwin's decision to buy NatWest was praised by everyone at the time. Not least was it loudly applauded by the Treasury and the FSA back in the day. 
Now, Ed Milliband was 'outraged' and appalled that Fred Goodwin retained an honour awarded by Milliband's own government back in the day. This smacks of populism and his indignation looks synthetic. While the real problems with the banking sector are allowed to continue to fester, have you heard Ed Milliband talking about banking charges recently that puts ordinary people up and down the country out of pocket every day? Not a word! 
Stripping Fed Goodwin of his knighthood is bad politics by a political class with a distorted sense of what it means to lead. As John Humphreys said on the Today programme this morning, Fred Goodwin is being stripped of his knighthood for making a wrong decision, not for committing a crime. Milliband's moral outrage is a sign that increasingly the Labour leader makes political decisions with the benefit of hindsight. It wont take him far, nor anyone else who tries it, because the fundamental fact of modern society is that everyone who comes after us will know more than we ever do. 

Sunday, 2 October 2011

What's wrong with greed?

According to the Christian doctrine it is one of the mortal sins. You may think that with the decline of christianity as a lived doctrine, talk about sin becomes less fashionable as well. Yet, greed is back and since the financial crisis in 2008 it dominates headlines and public debate whenever people talk about bankers and their behaviour. 
The main accusation is that those who were dealing with our money (pension funds and the like) were guided only by instant monetary gratification. Enormous bonus payments were the motivation for their actions, rather than any concern for sustainable banking practices. What makes ordinary people so angry is that, while the bonuses were still being paid, governments all over the world had to foot the bill for dubious banking deals that carried little actual value. It seems, so people believe, there was a dissociation between what bankers did (allegedly in the interest of their clients) and the result of their actions. 
If you ask ordinary people, they may say that greed appears to be the primary motivation of what bankers did every day. And their indignation may be spurned by a vision of a lost society where work contributed to the wealth of the nation as a whole, not just a few. But did we really just have ‘the wrong bankers’?  
There are two strange assumptions that lie at the heart of this idea that all is the fault of the greedy bankers. The first is that the outcome would have been different if we had had bankers with a stronger moral compass. Second, that our economy would be better if there was no greed. Both assumptions I think are questionable.
For Christian theology greed is one of the mortal sins and so those acts that are motivated by greed are condemnable. However, as theologians tell us, greed is not something we can simply shed off in the morning as we get out of bed. In fact, the doctrine of original sin articulates the opposite notion, that we are all prone to commit sins in our life. Christians are adamant that there can be no person who stands outside this circle of potential misconduct. While not all may share the Christian doctrine of original sin, this narrative tells us an important insight into humanity: to think that some people are innately morally better than others, is bound to disappoint. 
Scientists who study large organisations use a different language to theologians but their claim is very similar: individual actions may have intended consequences for the whole system. Pinning blame on individuals who operate within the rules is hardly helpful. Specialisation and rationalisation of processes in large companies lead to a fragmentation of tasks. Marx’s ‘process of alienation’ for the worker still echoes faintly in this idea. 
If they are right, then it must be foolish to think that we only need to get ‘moral’ bankers to have a better banking system. Blaming the banking crisis on ‘sinful’ bankers fails to recognise that everyone may have done the same in their position: to get the best results within the parameters set by current regulations. There is nothing greedy about this. We do what we are told to do, and some of us do it very well indeed. That does not exonerate people from the consequence of their actions. It does, however, shed some light at the way in which presumably innocuous behaviour can have unintended consequences for the whole system. 
The second questionable assumption is that economic relationships should be marked by morality, not greed. Ed Milliband’s recent comments on ‘bad’ and ‘good’ entrepreneurs at the annual Labour conference publicly rehearsed this idea. 
I believe he is wrong on two counts. First, it suggests that to be moral makes a better entrepreneur. But how can we judge this? What is the benchmark for morality in economic transactions? Are we supposed to examine the immediate actions of entrepreneurs or their ultimate consequences? If a company relocated their production line to overseas to cut costs and jobs are lost in the UK, yet in the process becomes more efficient and manages to expand its research and development section, hence creates other jobs here, should we condemn this? On Milliband’s simplistic terms, such a company acts ‘immorally’. Yet, judged by the outcome of their actions, the company is very moral indeed. In other words, we get into deep philosophical troubles if we try to interpret utilitarian economic exchanges with the benchmark of inter-personal morality. 
Second, injecting morality into the economic arena may lead us to misunderstand the need for regulation in the first place. Big companies do engage in social responsibilities schemes but their motivation is arguably not to be ‘morally good’ but to create a positive brand identity. It’s just part of the daily competitive struggle in the market place. If we thought all we need are company directors that are cut from our own moral cloth, we overlook that the purpose of envisaging economic relationships outside the moral domain is to highlight the need for a stable and compelling regulative framework. 
It is our responsibility as a society to define what we want the economy to achieve within the framework of free and fair market exchanges, yet it is the task of entrepreneurs to be successful and contribute to the wealth of the nation. While we should set the regulative framework for economic transactions, it is up to them to freely engage in the market place to pursue their economic interests. To conflate morality with the economy is to absolve us of the most difficult task: to define what wealth creation is for. The answer to this cannot be found in the economy, no matter how moral we want our entrepreneurs to be, sinners or no sinners. 

Wednesday, 28 September 2011

The strange, the mad and the dangerous - Labour grapples with policies

Party conferences are times to impress the faithful as well as the wider public. To do this, you can put on memorable performances, or you can reveal novel policies that may define the public debate for a long time to come. George Osbourne's announcement about stamp duty reduction in 2007 was an example of the latter. It defined the discussion about the tax burden and tax justice at times of phenomenally risen house prices for middle Britain.

Labour's conference in Liverpool was a chance to present some equally impressive policies, yet the party decided to field policy ideas that must have puzzled many watching British politics. First up was the odd. On the eve of the conference, Ed Milliband announced that Labour would lower the tuition fee cap to £6000. This surprised many, not least the student unions, since it was Labour's policy to introduce a graduate tax instead of tuition fees. The announcement was hence a U-turn before a full policy was even announced, forcing the party to converge on the coalition's terrain who equally advocate financing universities through tuition fees rather than a graduate tax. Why Milliband felt the need to formulate a policy prematurely on something so sensitive and on something where the Labour party would only benefit from sharp differentiation to the LibDems will probably always remain a mystery.

The strange was to be followed by the mad. In his final conference speech, Ed Milliband announced that any future Labour government would tax 'bad' companies more than 'good' ones. He defined bad companies as those that are 'asset strippers', presumably meaning those that are private equity funded. Is he going to tax companies that create thousands of jobs in the British economy such as AA, RAC or Weetabix into oblivion? Labour as the job terminator, rather than the job creator? If this policy will ever make it into a manifesto, he will be asked, I imagine, what the difference is, not just between a bad and a good company, but also between a 'bad' and a 'good' job.

The list of policies however was topped by the announcement of the shadow culture minister Ivan Lewis that all journalist should have to apply to government for a license if they wanted to publish in the UK. Needless to say that I would not be able to write this blog if such a licensing scheme was to go ahead. The howls of disapproval (or rather the laughter of disbelief) started to rise through the media outlets almost instantly, with many Guardian journalist leading the march.

If you think about it, not even communist regime of Eastern Europe dared to introduce licensing schemes. They operated censorship in a far more subtle way. So what on earth motivated the shadow culture minister to suggest that government should decide who can and who cannot publish? Some journalists were quick to make some rather unkind comparisons between his suggestions and the situation in Zimbabwe.

I am certain this proposal will disappear quickly in the archives, filed under 'indefensible' but the fact remains that this ragbag of policy ideas reflect a party in philosophical and ideological confusion. Labour needs to regain its sure-footedness on policy otherwise it will stumble from one policy disaster to another.